Recurring Armed Conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo: an Insight into the SADC Intervention Problematique
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2017.13.10Keywords:
Conflict recurrence, SouthernAfricanDevelopmentCommunity, political security, military securityAbstract
Conflict recurrence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) provides a litmus test to the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC’s) capacity to sustainably resolve the conflict and build peace. The surrender of the March 23 (M23) rebels, followed by overtures to incorporate the same into the Congolese military and political institutions, seem not to have made much significant impact on the security stability in the eastern part of the country. Armed activities by militia groups such as the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR), the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and various Mayi Mayi groups are likely to cause a recurrence of a fully fledged armed conflict in eastern Congo. Whilst the UN Mission for the Stabilisation of Congo (MONUSCO), along with its Intervention Brigade continue to make efforts to support the Congolese government to address the security situation in the country, this article presents a critical analysis on the prospects and constraints of SADC to sustainably resolve the conflict and build peace in the context of conflict recurrence. For purposes of conflict resolution and peacebuilding, the DRC falls within SADC’s area of sub-regional responsibility, which overlaps that of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). The paper looks at the political/diplomatic and military/ security initiatives that SADC can take to complement the current efforts of critical role players such as MONUSCO and ICGLR in sustainably resolving the recurring conflict and building peace.It also analyses the prospects of such sub-regional initiatives. Considering the conflict matrix of the eastern Congo conflict with specific reference to its recurrence, an examination of the likely constraints that SADC could encounter in trying to resolve the eastern Congo conflict will be presented. Policy suggestions will be proffered on what can be done to encounter such constraints.The research adopted a qualitative approach premised on interviews. Secondary sources, including key policy documents and statements of the SADC, AU, ICGLR and UN, were utilised. To complement the primary sources, structured opportunity interviews were conducted at seminars and workshops with academics and senior political and security analysts conversant with the SADC conflict and peace dynamics.
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Interview with G. Ngoya on 25 May 2013, Kinshasa. Interview with G. Ngoya on 25 May 2013, Kinshasa. Sadiki Maeresera & Knocks Tapiwa Zengeni The ICGLR is made up of member states and co-opted states. The ICGLR member states are Angola, DRC, Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Congo Republic, Central African Republic, South Sudan and Sudan. The co-opted member states are Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe,
Malawi, Mozambique, Ethiopia and Egypt. See Boras 2009. At the time of writing this article, M23 rebel leader Jean Bosco Ntanganda was facing trial at The Hague for crimes against humanity committed by his rebel group. These crimes included rape, mass murders, torture, and forcible recruitment of child soldiers in eastern Congo. See United Nations Security Council 2012. Interview with A. Mulenga on 25 May 2013, Kinshasa. Interview with A. Mulenga on 25 May 2013, Kinshasa. Interview with J. Didier on 25 May 2013. Kinshasa.
Interview with A. Mulenga on 25 May 2013. Kinshasa. The revision of SIPO was aimed at operationalising the SADC protocol on politics, defence and security cooperation. It also sought to provide a five-year implementation framework of the protocol. The major objective of the plan was to create a SADC sub-regional environment that is peaceful, stable and politically secure. Such an environment would ensure the realisation of the SADC sub-region’s socio-economic objectives (see also Zambara 2013). The organ functions as a ‘troika’ with South Africa and Namibia being the preceding and succeeding chairs respectively. Museveni was playing a key facilitating role in terms of political dialogue between the DRC government and M23 rebels in Kampala, hence his presence at the SADC summit (see also Zambara 2013). Museveni was playing a key facilitating role in terms of political dialogue between the DRC government and M23 rebels in Kampala, hence his presence at the SADC summit (see also Zambara 2013). Non-attributable comment by Great Lakes Regional Political and Military Security Analyst on 28 May 2013, Kinshasa. (see alsoMaeresera and Uzodike 2010:94). Non-attributable comment by Great Lakes Regional Political and Military Security Analyst on 28 May 2013, Kinshasa. The extension of its mandate by one year, the peace, security and cooperation framework of MONUSCO, alongside the FIB, allows it to work with the DRC government and all other governments concerned. The tasks within this framework include: establishment of functional, professional and accountable State institutions; protection of civilians; neutralisation of armed groups through the Intervention Brigade in a ‘robust, highly mobile and versatile manner and in strict compliance with international law’; monitoring the implementation of the arms embargo, and provision of support to national and international judicial processes in the DRC. From the authors’ viewpoint, it is against this background that SADC would take relevant initiatives based on this framework in its endeavours to complement the MONUSCO role, rather than take no action perhaps under the impression that the presence of South African, Tanzanian and Malawian troops as part of the FIB is enough contribution to conflict resolution and peace efforts by the sub-regional body. See also UN News Center 2014. See South African National Defence Force 2000.
Interview with S. Badza on 15 June 2013, Addis Ababa.












