Journal of International Studies https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis <div style="text-align: justify;">The Journal International Studies (JIS) is an internationally referred journal focusing on the contemporary issues of world dynamism from various perspectives, among others politics, international relations, diplomacy, economy, business, cross-cultural management, trade, law, and development. JIS invites prospective authors to submit original and unpublished work in areas that include but not limited to human rights, democratisation, trade arrangements, border disputes, corporate governance, multinational enterprises, logistics and supply chain, global maritime, sustainable development, political violence, and terrorism. Topics that of analysing regional comparative studies are also welcome. <span style="font-size: 0.875rem;">JIS is a refereed and open access journal that is available free-of-charge to anyone with access to internet, and there are no publication fees or article processing charges in this open journal. JIS is financially supported and published under the auspices of the Universiti Utara Malaysia, College of Law, Government and International Studies, School of International Studies.</span></div> UUM Press en-US Journal of International Studies 1823-691X DRUG TRAFFICKING FROM THAILAND’S GOLDEN TRIANGLE REGION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON MALAYSIA’S POLITICAL SECURITY https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/14834 <p>Organized crime syndicates are fuelling the dangerous and profitable world of drug trafficking making Southeast Asia suffered<br />the consequences for centuries. The spread of opium by Chinese immigrants in the 1700s led to a devastating increase in drug addiction and trafficking. Uncontrolled opium smuggling was rampant, forcing the British government to act and ban the drug in 1952. Since Malaysia’s formation in 1963, the government has fought back with legal and enforcement measures, but drug trafficking from Thailand’s Golden Triangle has remained a serious threat to national security. This research paper investigates the drug trafficking situation in Malaysia and exposes the sinister threat that illicit drug entry poses to the country’s safety. Drawing upon primary data from interviews with enforcement officers, drug research experts, and academics, this qualitative study demonstrates that despite efforts to stop drug smuggling from the Golden Triangle, these criminal activities persist and endanger Malaysia’s political security.</p> MOHAMAD YASID AMER FAWWAZ Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 1 25 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.1 EXPLORING GLOBAL TRENDS OF RESEARCH ON ORGANIZATIONAL RESILIENCE AND SUSTAINABILITY: A BIBLIOMETRIC REVIEW https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/18295 <p>The current research presents a bibliometric review of publications on organizational resilience and sustainability publications using the Scopus database for the period 1998–2022 based on the corresponding keywords in the titles of the articles. In this study MS Excel was used for frequency analysis; Harzing’s Publish or Perish to analyze citations and their metrics, while VOSviewer and Bibliometric R-tool with Biblioshiny were employed for visualization and thematic analysis. According to the findings, research on organizational<br />resilience and sustainability gained prominence in 1998 and has steadily increased since 2005. The United States of America recorded<br />the most productive and highest contribution, followed by the United Kingdom. The Journal of Sustainability Switzerland has published the most papers, while the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, is the most productive institution. This research used the Scopus database. Other data sources may be accessed later, and searches may include summaries and keywords instead of document titles. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is one of the first bibliometric review studies combining organizational resilience and sustainability research in the Scopus database.</p> Usman Abdullahi Ahmad Martadha Mohamed Vally Senasi Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 27 66 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.2 MARITIME SECURITY POLICY OF INDIA IN EARLY 21ST CENTURY: VIETNAM’S PERCEPTION OF ITS IMPLICATION ON THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/18161 <p>Since the early 21st century, the Asia-Pacific has become a dynamic region of development by some powerful countries in the world such as the United States (US), India, China, and Russia. Thus, the issue of ensuring maritime security to develop sea trade plays a central role in the strategies of these countries. From India’s perspective, maritime security in the Indian Ocean – Pacific Ocean is a deciding factor in the development, affirming its position and creating a balance of power in the country in comparison with other countries in the region. Nevertheless, the developed sea trade of India has faced challenges from various countries including the US, and China. Therefore, India has promoted a cooperative relationship with Vietnam to guarantee maritime security for Indian traders in the region. This paper aims to provide general information about maritime security as well as to determine and estimate India’s maritime security strategies. Additionally, it will present the role of Vietnam in India’s maritime security policies. The findings show that both nations, India and Vietnam have adequate backup strategies, which is the foundation for developing sea trade sustainability. Furthermore, India and Vietnam will play an increasingly strong role in the Asia-Pacific in the future. </p> Vo Van That Le Tung Lam Ta Quang Trung Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 67 92 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.3 OPERATIONAL RISK AND FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OF BANKS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/18539 <p>This study examines the relationship between operational risk and financial performance of banks in the Middle East and North Africa<br />(MENA), utilising data from 135 banks spanning 14 countries from 2015 to 2019. The results show that operational risk negatively<br />affects banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study recommends that banks tailor and constantly improve their risk<br />management process to put operational risk management and control processes in place. The findings entail the importance of developing relevant frameworks and policies for prompt action in reporting and recording operational loss. Thus, banks’ management should formulate and implement appropriate procedures to ensure that timely information is obtained, especially regarding profit and loss, which will ultimately help boost the banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study is unique as it contributes to the existing body of knowledge by investigating the role of operational risk in determining banks’ financial performance in the MENA region.</p> Amer N., Bani Yousef Assoc. Prof. Dr. Roshaiza Taha Siti Nurain Muhmad Ahmad Firdhauz Zainul Abidin Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 93 118 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.4 EXPLORING THE DRIVING FACTORS OF INTERNATIONAL PERFORMANCE: EVIDENCE FROM BUSINESS SERVICE SMEs IN MALAYSIA https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/14830 <p>This study sought to improve understanding of the factors that drive the international performance (IP) of business service small and<br />medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), particularly from a developing country’s perspective. Studying the SME context is key in light of<br />the scarce evidence of SMEs’ experience in the literature despite their increasing importance in the provision of services to international clients. Semi-structured interviews underpinned by resourcebased theory and dynamic capability view, were conducted with 11 informants representing government agencies, trade associations, and industry members. This qualitative method was employed to analyse the viewpoints of multiple industry stakeholders to enable us to capture the factors that drive IP. The findings revealed a convergence of views among the stakeholders on specific internal and external factors they perceive as essential in driving IP. The internal factors include human capital, entrepreneurial orientation, foreign market knowledge, relational capital, marketing capability, technological capability, and innovative service offerings, whereas the external factors encompass track record, access to financing, and government facilitation. We elaborated on the identified factors in relation to the supporting theories, thereby enhancing existing knowledge on their relationship with IP.</p> Dr Norwan Ahmad Siew Imm, Ng Norazlyn Kamal Basha Yuhanis Abdul Aziz Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 119 159 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.5 BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY’S ROLE AND INFLUENCE IN THE EXCLUSION OF GREECE AND TÜRKIYE FROM NATO, 1948–1949 https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/19045 <p>When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim to<br />contain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time. </p> Norasmahani Hussain Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 161 188 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.6 ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE POLICY IN AFRICA: THE RIVALRY BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/14849 <p>This paper aims to analyze the China and Japan rivalry on economic assistance policy in Africa using a qualitative method and national<br />interest as the conceptual framework. The land of Africa has abundant reserves of natural resources, such as dense forestry and<br />mineral resources which naturally will attract foreign investors. The first foreign investors in Africa were westerners. Within the grip of<br />their iron fists, Africa experienced a bitter history of slavery and colonialization. This rooted problem remains unresolved and causes<br />a significant political atrophy until this day, and has resulted in the incapability of the Africa nations to resolve their own respective<br />problems. Given such a state of affairs, these former colonies in Africa have always been longing for foreign assistance, especially<br />after the post-Cold War Era. Thus, the abandonment of former colonies gave the opportunity for the Eastern powers, such China<br />and Japan to establish a foothold in Africa, namely Japan with its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD)<br />and China its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through the TICAD, Japan emphasizes the importance of “Africa’s Ownership” in all its<br />infrastructure development cooperation initiatives. On the other hand, Chinese assistance can be characterised as indiscriminate, reciprocal, and non-interference in internal affairs. This paper suggests that both China and Japan have their own respective agenda on how to conduct diplomacy in Africa. They even share the same goals vis-a-vis Africa, which are economic and political domination and a keen interest in exploiting the available natural energy resources. </p> Sigit Sigit Nadya Carollina Jefferson Winata Bachtiar Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 189 214 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.7 HYDROLOGICAL LEGACIES OF COLONIALISM: EXAMINING WATER SYSTEMS IN PERLIS, MALAYA (1909–1950) https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/19750 <p style="font-weight: 400;">This study focused on water management and control in Malaya, particularly the establishment of a ‘colonial hydrology’ in Perlis<br />from 1909 to 1950. The study analysed water policies, management techniques, and the social and economic aspects of the local<br />population and the global market, using archival data. This study has also highlighted the intersection between natural resources, political power, and global economic trends from an international studies perspective. The control over water resources allowed the British colonial government to strengthen its position in the global market, but this resulted in adverse effects on the environment and social justice, especially for the local population. The study has argued that sustainable and equitable approaches to resource management are needed to promote sustainable development and combat global environmental challenges. The findings of this research can inform policymakers about the importance of incorporating environmental and social justice considerations in policymaking, especially with regard to natural resource management. Overall, this study adds valuable insights to the field of international studies by highlighting how the exploitation of natural resources can have far-reaching effects, both locally and globally, thereby emphasising the need for interdisciplinary and inclusive approaches to addressing resource management issues. </p> DR. Mohd Firdaus Abdullah Arba'iyah Mohd Noor Azlizan Mat Enh Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 215 243 10.32890/jis2023.19.2.8 STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC TIES AMIDST THE MARITIME DISPUTE BETWEEN THE PHILIPPINES AND CHINA https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/18065 <p>The Sino-Philippines relations underwent many challenges and changes for over two decades. It is characterized as a “fighting and<br />cooperating” relationship in various domains, specifically in the context of their long-standing dispute over the South China Sea<br />(SCS). The two countries have established diplomatic ties since 1975, and although the relationship between the Philippines and China<br />has gone a long way in forging economic relations with regard to conducting a more conducive, progressive, and fair-trade partnership, China is still perceived as a significant threat to the national security of the Philippines. The Philippine government has lodged numerous complaints with international bodies about China’s violation of the law of the sea, particularly the UNCLOS. However, the regional environment and China’s phenomenal rise in becoming an economic super power, and in particular the positive outcome resulting from the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), have all aided in developing the economic cooperation between the Philippines and China. Against the backdrop of these developments, the present article has focused on analyzing the two countries’ relations in terms of the financial impacts from the surging waves of disagreements over the two countries’ maritime belt areas in the South China Sea. It is also an empirical review of the literature on the myriad recommendations<br />of international organizations, international courts, experts, jurists, and researchers, which seek to find solutions by providing legal<br />viewpoints and political opinions on the issue of the maritime conflict between the Philippines and China. These are ongoing attempts for a peaceful solution to the maritime disputes between the two countries, as well as for the benefit of the rest of the ASEAN member nations. </p> Perfecto Aquino Tran Thai Bao Revenio Jalagat Nguyen Thi Phuong Thao Duong Quang Hiep Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 245 275 10.32890/ jis2023.19.2.9 REGIONAL DEMOCRATIZATION: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EU AND US EFFORTS IN CENTRAL ASIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA https://e-journal.uum.edu.my/index.php/jis/article/view/16476 <p>The EU and US are established liberal democratic powers, having a shared political and intellectual tradition. As such, the promotion of<br />democracy is critical to their foreign policies in areas they deem to be of strategic importance to their core interests. Further, the EU and its democratization efforts as part of its foreign policy and strategic interests can be viewed through the ‘Fortress Europe’ concept and hegemonic stability theory. For the EU and the US, Central Asia and Southeast Asia are the major areas for democracy promotion efforts, respectively. Through a qualitative analysis of related EU and US policies published in open sources and organized according to the logic of the democratization process, EU and US democratization efforts could be characterized as an oscillation between core interests and values promotion. This was attributed to the loss of appeal due to socio-political-economic issues in the EU and the US, combined with a relative lack of success, and competition between entrenched elite power structures and alternative political ideologies. The critical point is that both the regions of Central Asia and Southeast Asia are postcolonial areas in which Western democracy efforts are being realized through the existing structural level for spreading “soft power” to influence internal policy. The key findings for both regions are being interpreted from the postcolonial perspective: “democratization” is the process that needs to be revised as some cultural and metropolitan dominance in both regions prevails in everyday social life. For example, the power of the Russian language in Central Asia does not make regional elites follow the democratic rights of the indigenous population struggling for their national identity in a postcolonial era, as Central Asian elites and society do not wish to examine the current Russia-Ukraine conflict in the region. In the case of Southeast Asia, the area was not influenced by communism at the level Central Asia was. The area is quickly adaptable to the external (in this case, the US) democratization efforts for making a society with liberal values and multicultural diversity that makes them different from other Asian countries. Moreover, the English language in the region is more often associated with access to the best education and Western values.</p> Gabriel Joel Honrada Daniyal Ranjbar Saken Mukan Copyright (c) 2023 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2023-08-30 2023-08-30 19 2 277 306 10.32890/ jis2023.19.2.10